When trudging away during one of his brief stints in government, Chris Mullin is asked by his Private Secretary ‘Why don’t you make more suggestions on the policy documents?’. Mullin, who somewhat surprisingly given his profession, lacks personal ambition, replies that he is entirely reconciled to his current obscurity: ‘When I die...no one will ever remember that I was an under-secretary of state at the Department of Environment’.
A touch unkind perhaps, but you get the point: although
Mullin thrice received a title, he did not covet them; indeed during his first ministerial
incarnation as an underling for John Prescott (penance for what, he does not
say), he came to the conclusion that he preferred life as a pugnacious and
influential back-bencher to the world of red boxes and ministerial cars.
It is this rather weary attitude that does so much to
endear Mullin to his audience. Indeed, one forgets that Mullin was once a
firebrand: a campaigning journalist and member of the Bennite left. Instead,
the reader comes to think of Mullin principally as reasonable, caring and straightforward
member of Tony Blair’s Labour Party. And while Mullin has no truck with the
focus groups and phraseology of New Labour, he is loyal to
his leader- ‘The Man’.
The Iraq war is a notable exception. Mullin settles on
the position that his support is predicated upon a second UN resolution, and
when this doesn’t arrive- despite the pressure- Mullin sticks to his guns, and is
better for it.
Especially as this ‘transgression’ doesn’t cost Mullin
his career. His final ministerial stint, covering Africa within the Foreign Office,
is both the most harrowing and rewarding of his various assignments. Unfortunately,
just as he was settling into the role the 2005 election brought
things to a juddering halt: ‘I’m sorry Chris’ telephones ‘The Man’, ‘but I am
going to have to let you go’. Nothing personal of course, just new faces
required.
New Labour’s constant need for rejuvenation is just one
of several irritable quirks exposed by our man in Westminster. The deference to almighty Middle England is duly noted, as is the often vacuous language
that emanates from pollsters, civil servants and Number 10 alike.
Then there is the issue of money. Mullin, who abhors
both waste and materialism, attempts (with some difficulty) to extract himself
from the ministerial car pool. Contrast this outlook with that of the Prime
Minister’s wife, who upon learning of Mullin’s first demotion remarks, ‘you’re
free- and poorer’.
Beyond all that, Mullin is a friendly, warm companion
who leads the reader through the zenith of New Labour with gentle humour and
just the right mixture of idealism and cynicism. Yet the real strength of these
diaries lies in Mullin’s writing style. Not only is he crisp and to-the-point
but he has a fine ear for what truly counts. This, in conjunction with an acute
awareness of his status and function, means that we are spared waffle and
self-aggrandisement throughout. Hear, hear to that.
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