The Balkans is a difficult region to navigate. There are ancient blood feuds to content with, not to mention many ethnic quarrels and various border disputes to understand. Inevitably, therefore, most books on the subject are weighty tomes; replete with battles and conflicts, small tribes and large bands.
Unfinest
Hour,
however, does things differently. Its author, Cambridge historian Brendan
Simms, makes a straightforward case: that between 1992 and 1995 the West, Britain
in particular, abandoned Bosnia in her hour of need. Not only were the invading
Serb forces able to act with impunity, but their cause (which involved ethnic
cleansing) was abetted by a British government which undermined calls for
international action at every available turn.
Not only, Simms contends, did this constitute a dereliction
of duty (after the Holocaust what happened to ‘never again’?) but it revealed a
moral deficiency at the heart of Whitehall. ‘Conservative pessimism’ is blamed
for this malaise, as are Douglas Hurd and Malcolm Rifkind, its two principle embodiments.
In their language Bosnia was a land of ‘factions’, where
different ‘parties’ vied for land. Such notions are rejected by Simms. There
was, he argues, no moral equivalence between the various sides: Bosnia was a
sovereign state under persistent attack from an outside enemy force. Indeed, by
failing to draw this distinction the British government misconstrued the conflict
and made matters more complicated than they ought to have been.
Washington, on the other hand, saw Bosnia in a clearer light.
‘Lift and strike’ (end the weapons embargo, attack Serb armed facilities) is
characterised as a positive policy stymied by the pernicious Brits -- who
invoked UNPROFOR and their men on the ground whenever offensive action was
tabled.
As ‘lift and strike’ died the enthusiasm of the Clinton
administration went with it. However, after a period of futility, in 1995
America witnessed a ‘revolution from above’ when Congress defied the Whitehouse
and voted in favour of a military response. Simms favourably contrasts this
activism with what he sees as the supine behaviour of the British parliament.
Going further he characterises London’s Bosnia policy as a failure of the
establishment-class.
In this vein both David Owen, co-author of the Vance-Owen plan,
and General Michael Rose, UNPROFOR commander, are personally assailed for their
contributions. Such personal attacks are unusual in British political writing
and come across as unwarranted and unkind. That said, Owen too readily toed the
Foreign Office line, and Rose harboured an unhealthy respect for the Serb
forces’ professionalism, heritage and history.
For those interested in decision making there is much to
gain from Simms’ account. For instance, the construction of a consensus is
particularly interesting to behold. Indeed, whatever one thinks of British
policy it is clear that Ministers failed to adequately challenge the advice
they received; they were beholden to the men on the ground.
In addition, analogy (not for the first time) had a negative
effect. A little history, it seems, is a dangerous thing, especially when
old-hands justify present positions by invoking the past. Too often, officials
made fatuous reference to Northern Ireland (and to a lesser extent Cyprus) when
discussing Bosnia’s plight. Moreover, the role the Serbs played during the
Second World War appeared all too often in British thinking.
More troublingly, Simms is guilty of glossing over the
contributions many nations made to pacifying Bosnia. Britain, of course, was
very much at the forefront of these efforts, and while Simms may not agree with
the tone and direction of such contributions, his work gives the false
impression that the international community spent much of the early-to-mid
1990s wringing their hands.
Stylistically, published in 2000, Unfinest Hour relies almost exclusively upon the public record to
support its claims. Not only does such an approach have obvious weaknesses, but
it tests the readers’ will. Too often chapters disintegrate into ceaseless
newspaper reports interspersed with passages from Hansard.
The date of publication is notable for another reason. At
the turn of the century New Labour was at its peak, and Tony Blair dominated
the British political scene. His Chicago speech, given the year before, (in)famously
laid out the argument for an interventionist foreign policy. Simms appears to
have been impressed for Unfinest Hour
is essentially a liberal-imperialist tract.
What’s interesting is that now, in 2013 we appear to have
come full circle. In Syria a brutal regime has been targeting its own
population for over two years. Quite terrible horrors are occurring on a daily
basis and yet no international action has, or looks likely to occur. The
spectre of Iraq haunts the decision-makers of Washington and London; no one
wishes to overreach like Tony Blair and George W. Bush. In this regard, the
position of Simms appears curiously old-fashioned, almost quaint.
And yet, his argument retains force. His contention that we
must confront brutality the world over is simple but powerful, and it’s
refreshing to encounter this position argued with passion, purpose and clarity,
even if he pushes too far.
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