Greece Experiences Its Annual Political Crisis, But Who Is Really Endangering Democracy?

Last week Greece experienced another political crisis. This year’s predicament — which for various reasons received much less international attention than the previous few — centred on the state broadcaster ERT. Just over a week ago, Prime Minister Antonis Samaras announced that it, and its three channels, would close down with immediate effect. ERT, which receives annual funding of €328 million (collected unusually via electricity bills), was a source of “incredible waste” and had to be drastically reformed. 

Thus, the government announced that 2,500 employees would lose their jobs (a figure which, after the involvement of the unions, rose to 2,700) and that a pared down state broadcaster would be introduced at a later, unspecified date. Cue howls of anguish: “A blow to democracy” fumed ERT newsreader Antonis Alafogiorgos; an “institutional coup” claimed leftwing opposition leader Alexis Tsipras. 

Certainly, the shutdown occurred at breakneck speed: ERT’s channels went black at 11pm on the day of announcement (an anchor, it was reported, was cut off mid-sentence).  Understandably, this inflamed both Greece’s journalists and its opposition politicians. Indeed, ERT staff were so irate they pledged to continue broadcasting come what may.

Intriguingly, their white knight arrived in the form of the European Broadcasting Union (the folks behind the Eurovision song contest). The EBU immediately expressed its “profound dismay” at Samaras’ decision and moved a satellite truck into the ERT’s car park in order to facilitate continued, online broadcasting. More, the EBU wrote to the European Commission and also organised a letter of protest signed by the great and good of European public service broadcasting, including the Director-General of the BBC.

By Thursday the pressure on Samaras had steadily ratcheted. It was beginning to look like he had overplayed his hand. So outraged were the other political parties — including PASOK and Democratic left, his coalitions partners — that it seemed as if fresh elections might prove necessary.

This spooked both the Germans and the market. Although Samaras only moved to close the broadcaster in order to satisfy the demands of the Troika (which has called for the Greek public sector to shed a further 2,000 workers), the alacrity with which the ERT was taken off the air, combined with the lack of consultation, prompted a political crisis. 

By Friday the Prime Minister had begun to row back. He signalled his intent to form a committee which would entrust a small number of ERT employees to resume news broadcasts. But for his opponents, rather predictably, the comprise measure did not go far enough. 

Over the weekend, Samaras attacked the ERT as “sinful” and corrupt. He claimed that he was trying to modernise a country that resembled “Jurassic Park”. But his justifications fell on deaf ears. On Monday Greece’s highest administrative court, the Council of State, suspended the order to closedown ERT. However, it did add that the state broadcaster sorely required reform. 

Although this caveat allowed all sides to claim victory, in reality there can be no doubt that the Prime Minister’s authority has been weakened. Indeed, Samaras has already pledged to update the coalition agreement, to consult with his partners more frequently and to engage in a Cabinet reshuffle. 

What to make of all this? Some have claimed the victor was Greek democracy, but I’m not so sure. While the government clearly acted with undue haste, the scope of the ERT must be put in perspective: its audience share, for instance, has been on the decline for years and currently stands at 13%. Furthermore, Samaras was attempting (albeit clumsily) to satisfy the demands of the Troika, not hobble the Greek media.

And then there is the role played by the EBU. Whether or not Samaras acted wisely (and I think we can all agree he didn’t), his decision to close the ERT was undermined by an unaccountable trade union. Not only did the EBU facilitate the aforementioned satellite truck, but it actually enabled the ERT’s news channel, NET, to return to television screens by rerouting its signal. 

Quite rightly, the Greek government has threatened the EBU with legal action (it has also been in contact with Israel to protest the fact that a firm from that nation co-opted with the EBU). Although it may have disagreed with the Greek government’s decision, the lengths which it went to circumvent it are astonishing.

In essence, the decision to close the ERT can be interpreted as a clumsy attempt to satisfy the Trokia— the IMF, the ECB and European Commission. In other words, the Greek government was bowing to its creditors demands. It is also true that the decision was roundly attacked as an affront to democracy, and that the policy was vehemently opposed by the EBU. In other words, the will of the Greek government was undermined by pan-European organisation accountable to no one. 

So I ask, is Antonis Samaras the real threat to Greek democracy? I can’t help but feel that the past week proves he isn’t.